BOOK REVIEW: Methods Devour Themselves: A Conversation

Originally published in Marx & Philosophy

Benjanun Sriduangkaew and Joshua Moufawad-Paul
Methods Devour Themselves: A Conversation

Winchester, Zero Books, 2018. 143 pp. £8.47
ISBN 978-1-78535-826-5

While this book was published in 2018, a late review in the context of our current dystopian scenario (global pandemic, police brutality, destructive fires, etc.) seems appropriate. Drawing attention once more to this experimental and fascinating piece of ‘expanded philosophy’ that could also be termed ‘extro-science fiction’ is timely and pertinent. Coined by Quentin Meillassoux, this term is actually used to describe a literary genre not bound to the laws of hardcore science fiction, depicting worlds “inaccessible to a scientific knowledge” (Meillassoux 2015, 6). Since the unusual collaboration of the book between a scholar and a novelist (J. Moufawad-Paul and Benjanun Sriduangkaew) is a provocation against apocalyptic Hollywoodesque narratives, it is possible to consider the work as a whole as an example of radical speculative fiction attempting to envisage a world ‘inaccessible to a capitalist logic’. Here, ‘fiction’ is thus not to be read as the opposite of ‘real’, but rather as a praxis-oriented method of negotiating the real.

Contrary to Meillassoux’s ‘analogical’ use of fiction, Moufawad-Paul’s efforts consist in exploring a ‘non-museological’ philosophical and political treatment of fiction, conceived as a dialogue with a living artist (3) through a creolization of genres (short stories and essays). Literature should not merely serve as an excuse for philosophers to present their theories, but rather should be an opportunity to venture beyond theory, or to expand it. The book’s structure is hence defined by this premise: six chapters consisting of three ‘fictions’ composed by Benjanun Sriduangkaew, and three critical essays written by Moufawad-Paul. With the exception of the first story, each of these is to be considered a reaction to the previous chapter.

Sriduangkaew’s first story takes as its stage the convergence of two dimensions: our reality (in the story, Bangkok) and the mythic Himmapan forest. The main character, Khun Oraphin, happened to be in Himmapan as a child ‘before true convergence’, and, therefore, is now more receptive to the mixed logic of the new hybrid world. For this reason, while helping the old Khun Jutamat to deal with her phantasmagorical disease, after an enigmatic conversation with three giants, Khun Oraphin finds out about some still unresolved issues from the past.

“Debris and Dead Skin: the capitalist imaginary and the atrophy of thought”, Moufawad-Paul’s first contribution, is an exploration of what happens when myth saturates reality. The title of the essay presents quite explicitly his text’s central diagnosis: the “omnipotence of the capitalist imaginary” (31) produces a fettered imagination from which it is hard to escape. Building upon Mark Fischer’s concept of ‘capitalist realism’, the problem addressed in this chapter whether it is possible or not to escape the meta-logic disseminated by capitalist economy, which predicates that capitalism is the only possible organizational system. As in the superposed ‘changed world’ of Himmapan/Bangkok, the mythic fantasies of a fake-news-producing machine have invaded our reality, leaving no place beyond their fictions. According to Moufawad-Paul, this meta-narrative is so powerful that even some aspects of Fisher’s thought were imprisoned within this imaginary. Charging the signifier ‘Stalinism’ with its usual totalitarian connotation (e.g. Fisher 2009, 44), Fisher is unconsciously reproducing the alternative-less realist Manicheism of ‘capitalism or Stalinism (=totalitarianism)’ (where capitalism is the ‘least worst’ choice and, therefore, the only one) (39-40). To counter this pessimism, Moufawad-Paul proposes a re-reading of the histories and methods of “comprehensive, fighting, and revolutionary parties” (35). The battle between two Lefts, consisting of a heterodox wing thirsty for new methods versus an orthodoxy supposedly fixated on the past (34), proves itself sterile without a rigorous historization of their own mythologies. According to Moufawad-Paul, some good antecedents for a post-realist imagination can already be found in the past, for example, in the (Maoist) Communist Party of India or the Maoist movement in Peru. It is, therefore, doubly important (historiographically and politically) to engage with the remnants of peripheral mythologies (36).

Since this is a conversation, it seems pertinent to investigate how Sriduangkaew’s second story contests or reacts to Moufawad-Paul’s first critical text. In “Krungthep is an Onomatopoeia” we encounter the chronicle of Khun Suranut, a historian who lives and works (which seems to be the same here: “To be a citizen is to work”) on a ‘shipworld’ called Krungthep (again, the Thai name for Bangkok). She is requested to participate in an ‘experiment’ which consists in getting along with Gullaya, the pilot and only survivor of a failed expedition to the now devastated earth. The AI that regulates the whole spaceship (the ‘cortex’) suspects that the pilot did, in fact, kill her two other partners (the archivist and the scout), but does not know the details. After the secret is revealed, Gullaya is given the opportunity to decide whether to leave the ship or to stay and face the verdict of the administrative council. In a scenario governed by algorithms (the shipworld is also called a ‘fabric’, 61), this decision forms the climax of the narration. Sriduangkaew’s response to the inevitability of capitalist realism might be: possibility always survives in the liminality or periphery between technology (the AI) and bureaucracy (the council).

In answer to this parable, Moufawad-Paul writes “Living in Amber: on history as a weapon”, where he undertakes a re-evaluation of different historical attitudes. Moufawad-Paul contrasts the static life inside the shipworld with the desire of both characters to break through the fixed path of their destinies. By subsuming political administration under the variables of the efficiency and rationality of statistics and management, the futuristic state-ship still operates according to the less innovative “static doctrine of progress” (79), which is none other than that of our capitalist societies, where no real structural change is desired. This motionless logic inside the ship is also reminiscent of a museum, which Moufawad-Paul sharply compares with colonialism itself (75-76). A transitive inference permits us to deduce that colonial subjects themselves must sometimes endure this same reactionary logic. Not just conservatives are obsessed with a return to an idealized past; native intellectuals living in the colonies, as Fanon pointed out, must also face the temptation of subaltern culturalism, that is, of a simplistic idolization of their pre-colonial situation, something along the lines of ‘if Western philosophy is the ideology of the oppressor, the only remaining alternative is resurrecting aboriginal thought’. As the past is never fully given, but always fragmented, the practitioners of a “radical re-membering” (75) are never exempt from profound conflicts. The question that Moustawad-Paul raises is thus how the ‘weapon of history’ might be used as “a guide to future transformation” (78). Here, the author reintroduces the idea of his previous chapter, namely that the Left should be able to evince a “historical perspective that resists dominant narratives” (80) in its discourse in order to evaluate failures and victories. The historian in Sriduangkaew’s story, Suranut, here offers an extra clue left unthematized by Moustawad-Paul, namely her obsession with proper names. In fact, she becomes very enraged when the AI refers to Gullaya merely as ‘the Pilot’ (50), declaring later: “Did you know, there was a time when two women or two men couldn’t marry each other back in Muangthai? […] [T]heir lives and names deserve memorializing. Their struggles and their deaths. The ones who lived to see their dream, the ones who didn’t. The ones who got to finally marry at eighty-five” (52). Is this tension between the proper names and the onomatopoeia, personal and impersonal, which resonates in a discussion about radical memory? Maintaining the slogan of the second chapter, the historical perspective ‘from below’ (79) and from the ‘global peripheries’ (35) should here also be able to re-signify the power of proper names and embodied experiences.

In Sriduangkaew’s last piece “That Rough-Hewn Sun” (a prequel of her novel Winterglass, 2017) reverberate the concerns of the previous chapters, especially the problem of how to transgress necessity and destiny. Sriduangkaew’s prose is characterized by the introduction of non-binary pronouns. Although Moufawad-Paul’s reticence to make of this a point in his discussion is understandable, since we are facing a literary resource expected to be ‘normalized’ (and not exoticized), it is pertinent as it is closely related to the aforementioned issue of proper names. Accordingly, we encounter in this story Lussadh, the loyal general of the King Ihsayn (she/her). Her rival, the Winter Queen, has sent an envoy, Crow (they/their), to Ihsayn’s land. Lussadh is ordered to escort Crow and show them the palace, taking an active role in building a strategic good relationship with them. Lussadh’s status as general ties her to the commands of Ihsayn, even if the command consists in killing her own lovers.

At this point, the dialectic importance of necessity and contingency in all six chapters becomes evident. In his third and final essay, Moufawad-Paul’s apology of necessity against the superfluous liberal concept of necessity as totalitarian, echoes both the rehabilitation of ‘big party narratives’ within the second chapter, and his previous work such as Continuity and Rupture (2016). What remains slightly confusing here is the meaning of his own notion of necessity, since he does not sufficiently distinguish between the hardly translatable Hegelian concepts of ‘Notwendigkeit’ (necessity), ‘Not’ (exigency), and ‘Bedürfnis’ (need), using the words ‘necessity’ and ‘need’ without further clarification. What kind of necessity is Lussadh’s fixation on status? Rank requirements are not biological needs, nor causal conditions. Moufawad-Paul’s thesis that the “last consummation of [(]her[)] class necessity […] opens the possibility of freedom” (126), while is meant to demonstrate that the necessity of transgression (revolution) is the actual realization of freedom, does little to explain how the ‘peripheral narratives’ of the second chapter, or the ‘subaltern histories’ of the fourth chapter, can be articulated with a discourse of ‘compatibilist’ necessity. Historical materialism should be scientific, and, in this sense, Moufawad-Paul’s final statement that knowing “the necessities of our historical conjuncture” liberates us (130), is not to be rejected. Nevertheless, the problem remains as to how to reconcile the narratives of necessity with those of contingency. Even if we recognize a ‘necessity of contingency’, it should be possible to formulate clearly how to articulate the framework of necessary “comprehensive, fighting, and revolutionary parties” in light of other forms of resistance, such as gender politics.

As in the case of the climatic consequences of global industrialization, necessity should not be neglected. The difficulty consists in inverting the hierarchical supremacy of this necessity. This seems, in fact, to be the original aim of the book: to advocate the view that some ‘unexpected’ political agencies of the Global South are not mere historical and methodological ‘deviations’, but rather examples of global importance. Revealing these questions and proving that the power of imagination is extremely ‘necessary,’ doubtless number among the many achievements of this absorbing work of ‘expanded philosophy’.

21 November 2020

References

Mark Fisher 2009 Capitalist Realism: is there no Alternative? Washington: Zero Books

Quentin Meillassoux 2015 Science Fiction and Extro-Science Fiction. Minneapolis: Univocal

Joshua Moufawad-Paul 2016 Continuity and Rupture. Philosophy in the Maoist Terrain Alresford: Zero Books

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El presente de lxs subalternxs

Hito Steyerl

(Agradecemos a Hito Steyerl y a Translate por permitirnos realizar la traducción al español)

¿Es la clase trabajadora de hoy ‘subalterna’? O para repetir la pregunta con el título del igualmente famoso y controvertido texto de Gayatri Spivak, “Can the Subaltern speak?”: ‘¿Puede hablar la clase trabajadora?’ A primera vista esta pregunta es impactante; en una segunda instancia, es inapropiada. ¿Por qué debería excluirse específicamente a la clase trabajadora de la representación social de manera tan radical como lo requiere el concepto de subalternidad? A la luz de una socialdemocracia establecida en todo el mundo y de innumerables sindicatos y consejos de trabajadores, la pregunta parece absurda, si no descabellada. ¿Qué significa entonces sugerir la afirmación de que la clase obrera hoy está en silencio?

Corte, vayamos a una escena diferente. La película Tout va bien de Jean-Luc Godard y Jean-Pierre Gorin de 1972 muestra una entrevista con una trabajadora en una fábrica de embutidos ocupada. Jane Fonda interpreta a una reportera dedicada, que simpatiza con las trabajadoras y quiere hacer públicas las circunstancias de sus vidas. Sin embargo, esta entrevista se describe de una manera inusual. La película nos muestra la imagen de la entrevista, pero la superpone una voz en off con los pensamientos de la mujer parada silenciosamente a un lado. Ella piensa que la entrevista solo propagará más prejuicios baratos entre el público. La forma del reportaje social es en sí misma un cliché, una excusa para seguir sin escuchar a las trabajadoras. Godard y Gorin lo dejan claro: por mucho que la reportera interpretada por Jane Fonda pueda intentar transmitirnos la voz de las trabajadoras, no puede triunfar contra el poder concentrado de los clichés y los discursos. Cuanto más directamente busca dejar que las mujeres hablen por sí mismas, más fuerte se vuelve su silencio.

En una entrevista [1], Godard resumió este problema: dejar que los trabajadores hablen por sí mismos o involucrarlos en la producción de la película no significa en absoluto dejar que ellos expresen su opinión. Lo decisivo no es lo que dicen, sino lo que se escucha. Godard y Gorin, por tanto, nos muestran el escenario de la entrevista con esta mujer como puesta en escena paradójica de un elocuente silencio. ¿Puede hablar la trabajadora de Tout va bien? Incluso si habla, falta el sonido. Por tanto, ¿ya es subalterna?

 
Una traducción involuntaria

Históricamente, la conexión entre la clase trabajadora y la subalternidad no carece de fundamento. Según la leyenda, incluso Gramsci, que definía políticamente la subalternidad, ya sustituyó el término de clase subalterna por el proletariado en sus diarios de prisión (1934-35). No pudo usar la palabra proletariado debido a la censura carcelaria en la Italia fascista. De esta manera, el término subalternidad, que en realidad significa ‘de menor rango’, se abrió camino en la teoría política como una especie de traducción involuntaria. Gramsci relacionó el término con los grupos de la sociedad que estaban expuestos a la hegemonía de las clases dominantes, pero especialmente con las clases campesinas del sur periférico, que nunca se habían integrado en la nación italiana, en otras palabras, con grupos que estaban intrínsecamente desunidos y excluidos de la representación social. Los subalternos no hablaban el idioma de la nación, no podían comunicarse con él y, por lo tanto, tampoco formaban parte de él. De hecho, debido a la falta de un lenguaje común, cada grupo subalterno permaneció aislado de los demás. A diferencia del movimiento obrero de esa época, que desarrolló un lenguaje comprensible internacionalmente para constituirse como sujeto, los subalternos permanecieron dispersos.

En consecuencia, el neologismo terminológico de Gramsci experimentó lo mismo que todas las traducciones. Las traducciones tienen una dinámica propia: se cargan con nuevos significados que hacen imposible traducirlas de nuevo. El significado de los subalternos de Gramsci pronto se alejó mucho del proletariado de la comprensión marxista ortodoxa. A diferencia de un proletariado autoorganizado, los subalternos permanecieron difusos y desunidos. Por esta razón, tampoco tenían un lenguaje común que les hubiera permitido organizarse como clase o formar una nación. Su dispersión les impidió hablar con una sola voz y representarse políticamente. Por tanto, los subalternos ya no podían, o más bien aún no, ser trasladados de nuevo al proletariado.

 
Traducción como trans-latio

Sin embargo, todo el potencial del concepto de subalternidad se hizo evidente por primera vez en el curso de la llamada globalización. Porque las periferias cambiaron cada vez más en el curso de la integración de los mercados mundiales. Parece que es solo en los pisos superiores de las metrópolis donde ya no existe la línea de montaje del clásico Modern Times de Charlie Chaplin. Sin embargo, en lugar de desaparecer, solo hizo explotar la fábrica. La fábrica ahora tiene lugar en las minas, los campos, los dormitorios y cuartos traseros, las carreteras secundarias, los garajes y los estacionamientos donde esperan los y las jornalerosy jornaleras. Se vertió en el mundo, produciendo innumerables nuevos grupos subalternos casi industrialmente.

Por tanto, no es de extrañar que las aplicaciones más fructíferas del concepto de subalternidad tuvieran lugar en la India a partir de la década de 1970 y, posteriormente, en América Latina. Según Ranajit Guha, en la India la historiografía nacional excluyó a la gran masa de la población india del estatus de sujetos políticos en tanto subalternos. [2] Estos subalternos y subalternas representaban a la mayoría de la población; sin embargo, se ignoró su participación en la resistencia contra el poder colonial británico. En contraste con esto, el proyecto del Indian Subaltern Studies Group fue reconstruir las voces perdidas de los grupos subalternos a través del trabajo de archivo.

El artículo de Spivak, partes del cual se publicaron por primera vez en 1985, se vincula con este proyecto de contrahistoriografía. Aunque simpatiza con el proyecto del Grupo de Estudios Subalternos, Spivak -al igual que Godard antes- se pregunta si es realmente tan fácil hacer hablar a los excluidos. ¿Es suficiente sostener metafóricamente un micrófono frente a sus bocas, incluso si el micrófono se reemplaza en este caso con los métodos históricos de investigación de archivos? Esto es más que dudoso, ya que el archivo es un refugio de poder, en el que las huellas de los subalternos están necesariamente retorcidas y distorsionadas. Spivak nos cuenta cómo incluso los pocos nombres femeninos registrados en el archivo colonial fueron distorsionados por la ignorancia de los británicos hasta el punto de volverse irreconocibles. ¿Podemos siquiera entender las expresiones tartamudeando de lxs subalternxs en retrospectiva, especialmente las de las mujeres? ¿Deben los ‘expertos’ traducir a su vez el lenguaje de las subalternas para explicarnos lo que realmente quieren decir? El papel de los ‘expertos’ es también el objetivo de la primera e importante crítica de Spivak. Ella acusa a teóricos como Gilles Deleuze y Michel Foucault de asumir el papel de este tipo de expertos en la conversación entre ellos, específicamente porque quieren que los oprimidos ‘hablen por sí mismos’. Aunque el reproche parezca paradójico, en una lectura más atenta se vuelve bastante claro: en la conversación en cuestión, son los dos intelectuales los que representan el ‘hablar por uno mismo’ de los demás. En cierto modo, la situación se parece a la escena de Tout va bien, aunque de otra forma. Las trabajadoras supuestamente hablan ‘ellas mismas’, pero nuevamente no se puede escuchar nada; mientras que la voz en off en la película marca la ruptura del habla por uno mismo, aquí todo se superpone con el comentario de voz en off de los expertos. Interpretan una especie de ventrílocuo de grupos desfavorecidos, mientras actúan al mismo tiempo como si ni siquiera estuvieran allí.

Según Spivak, dejar que otros ‘hablen por sí mismos’ es, por tanto, un gesto no admitido de auto-glorificación. Ya tenía bastante razón al criticar este gesto hace veinte años como una rehabilitación encubierta del sujeto (de la clase media occidental). Spivak ve este esencialismo encubierto como diametralmente opuesto al esencialismo abiertamente admitido y por lo tanto aparentemente pasado de moda del Subaltern Studies Group con su proyecto de reconstruir un sujeto político subalterno. Mientras que el primero niega el sujeto, pero lo vive, el segundo lo niega inicialmente, pero solo como intrínsecamente heterogéneo y fragmentado. Solo se define por ser disperso e incomprensible y, en última instancia, consiste en pura diferencia.

Este último aspecto es el que le interesa especialmente a Spivak, y con ello va más allá del planteamiento del Subaltern Studies Group. Porque, ¿cómo podría articularse todavía un tema de este tipo? Más precisamente: no se puede. Reconstruir la voz de los subalternos principalmente no es posible, según Spivak, especialmente si estas subalternas son mujeres. Su ejemplo [3] más controvertido se relaciona con la quema de viudas en la India. Spivak afirma que estas viudas son silenciadas por una especie de dilema discursivo: mientras que fueron glorificadas por el patriarcado local como preservadoras de la ‘tradición’, para las potencias coloniales inglesas ejemplificaron el atraso bárbaro de los indios que iba a ser modernizado por la fuerza. Entre estas dos posiciones irreconciliables, a estas mujeres les resultó muy difícil, si no imposible, articularse. No importa lo que digan, al menos un lado, si no ambos, lo utilizaría indebidamente para legitimar su propia posición. Por lo tanto, incluso si estas mujeres hablaran, no podrían hacerse oír. Este era el significado del lema apodíctico y a menudo cuestionado atribuido a Spivak: ‘lxs subalternxs no pueden hablar’. [4] El orden de los discursos no permite la articulación de ciertos hechos, porque ellos mismos se basan en este silencio. Esto da como resultado una estrecha conexión entre el estado de subalternidad y el silencio. Si los subalternos no pueden articularse a sí mismos, entonces esto significa a la inversa que todos los que pueden articularse a sí mismos no son subalternos.

 
Mónadas autistas

Sin embargo, incluso el propio texto de Spivak se encontró con un contexto discursivo en el que algunos de sus argumentos podían entenderse claramente, pero otros no (lo que llevó a que alguien se preguntara irónicamente si Gayatri Spivak puede hablar). Podemos definir a grandes rasgos este contexto como el de los debates sobre las políticas de representación, ya que han sido conducidos por lo menos desde la década de 1970 por feministas, más tarde también por teóricas de los estudios poscoloniales y culturales. La cuestión fundamental que se planteó fue concretamente la de cómo lxs subalternxs aún podían emanciparse a pesar de todo esto, cuando según Gramsci la representación en el ámbito de la cultura era una condición previa para poder representarse también políticamente. Por tanto, si lxs subalternxs no podían ser representadxs, ¿cómo podrían convertirse en sujetxs políticxs autosuficientes?

La solución (provisional) del problema parecía estar en el llamado esencialismo estratégico, propuesto por el Subaltern Studies Group: aunque no se crea en la identidad o en el sujeto, se pretende por un tiempo, para volverse capaz de tener agenciamiento político. Sin embargo, el problema no fue solo que este enfoque se volvió cada vez menos estratégico y cada vez más esencialista a lo largo del tiempo. [5] Además, el problema también era que la visualización en su mayoría puramente cultural de varias posiciones de los sujetos no se correlacionaba en la medida que se esperaba con una representación política mejorada. En cambio, produjo una multitud de diferencias consumibles y colocó subjetividades en primer plano que insistían estrictamente en su respectiva singularidad. Esto resultó en un verdadero panóptico de los más diversos modelos del yo que encajan armoniosamente en una nueva forma de capitalismo basado en la explotación de la diferencia. [6] En relación a convertirse en sujeto político, esta política de la diferencia resultó fatal, ya que resultó en una cacofonía de mónadas que ya no tenían nada en común y tendían a competir entre sí. Especialmente después de la caída de los estados socialistas, la jerga, en la que se había deteriorado el lenguaje de un movimiento obrero internacional, también se rompió. Desde entonces, nos hemos visto enfrentados a una multitud de movimientos y demandas políticas mutuamente intraducibles, la mayoría absoluta de los cuales se refieren a identidades culturales o nacionales específicas. Un lenguaje compartido independiente de la identidad se ha vuelto muy lejano. En el mejor de los casos, solo podemos escuchar, como en Tout va bien, sus pensamientos no expresados.

En este silencio, una cosa se ha vuelto particularmente indescriptible: la solidaridad más allá de la identidad. Es como si el orden dominante ya no se basara en la exclusión de los demás, sino en la negación radical de su posible igualdad. Y no importa cuán claramente se articule la demanda de igualdad, se desvanece en una hegemonía que ha refinado la diversidad en una técnica de poder imperial.

Peter Hallward ha sostenido que el descuido de la igualdad es una tendencia generalizada en los llamados estudios poscoloniales, que han terminado en un callejón sin salida debido a su insistencia incondicional en la diferencia. [7] Una multitud de sujetos singulares que son respectivamente inconmensurables con todos los demás, o al menos se comportan como si lo fueran, genera un universo autista. La furiosa conclusión de Alain Badiou a estos desarrollos fue que ya no es la diferencia el problema, sino la igualdad que todavía falta. [8] Expresado con los propios ejemplos de Spivak: no solo la trabajadora del otro lado de la división internacional del trabajo sigue siendo subalterna, sino que ni siquiera sabemos por qué alguien podría ser solidario con ella. Es la solidaridad como tal la que se ha vuelto hoy subalterna, porque no hay un lenguaje en el que pueda articularse audiblemente.

Y ahora podemos volver a la pregunta del principio: ¿la clase trabajadora es hoy subalterna? La respuesta es: ¿Qué clase trabajadora? Una clase trabajadora global no existe hoy, y no es seguro que alguna vez existiera. Como en la definición de subalternidad de Spivak, está fragmentada y es inherentemente heterogénea; no habla un idioma común y difícilmente puede traducirse por sí misma. Si sus componentes tienen algo en común, esto todavía no se puede expresar, excepto en las frases gastadas de las burocracias obreras que en realidad solo representan los lobbies sociales nacionales. Y lo que consideramos como su ‘hablar por uno mismo’ es en realidad sólo la sincronización de labios de los ‘expertos’.

Como clase trabajadora global, la clase trabajadora de hoy es tan subalterna como los campesinos italianos del sur en tiempos pasados. Sin embargo, ¿cómo pueden las personas que están establecidas en una relación transnacional entre sí por la cadena de producción flexible del capitalismo contemporáneo articular su relación entre sí? ¿Cómo hablan lxs trabajadorxs a través de los profundos abismos de la división internacional del trabajo? Escuchamos un enjambre de voces, pero nadie está escuchando realmente.

Constituir un sujeto político más allá del ámbito del Estado, la cultura y la identidad es precisamente lo que parece hoy estructuralmente imposible y, por tanto, es tanto más urgente. Quizás se pueda encontrar una oportunidad, sin embargo, en que los subalternos y el proletariado se han vuelto mutuamente traducibles de una nueva manera. Como señaló Jean-Luc Nancy, es cada vez más cuestionable definir este tema intrínsecamente disperso a través del trabajo [9] , y quizás el objetivo de un lenguaje común también sea solo un obstáculo que obstaculice nuestra visión de la escucha común. El legado del texto de Spivak es la indicación de este momento de fractura – y la tarea que todavía nos presenta hoy no consiste en fortalecer el autista ‘hablar por sí mismo’ de los sujetos individuales, sino más bien en escuchar su silencio compartido.

[1] En la película La politique et le bonheur (1972).

[2] Ranajit Guha, “On Some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India”, en: Vinayak Chaturvedi (Ed.), Mapping Subaltern Studies and the Postcolonial, London / New York: Verso 2000, p. 1–7.

[3] Por ejemplo, en Benita Parry, “Problems in Current Theories of Colonial Discourse”, en: Bill Ashcroft / Gareth Griffiths / Helen Tiffin (Ed.), The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, London / New York: Routledge 1995, p. 36–44.

[4] La pregunta en su totalidad: “Del otro lado de la división internacional del trabajo del capital socializado, dentro y fuera del circuito de la violencia epistémica del derecho imperialista y la educación que complementa un texto económico anterior, ¿puede hablar el/la subalterno/a?”; Gayatri Spivak, A Critique of Postcolonial Reason, Cambridge, Massachusetts / London: Harvard University Press 1999, p. 269.

[5] Los avances en el campo del arte pueden leerse como un ejemplo paradigmático en este contexto: la poscolonialidad se ha interpretado habitualmente como un mandato para organizar exposiciones regionales (los Balcanes, el Cercano Oriente, etc.).

[6] Sobre esto, cf. Kien Nghi Ha, Hype um Hybridität. Kultureller Differenzkonsum und postmoderne Verwertungstechniken im Spätkapitalismus , Bielefeld: Transcript 2005, y The spectre is still roaming around, Zagreb: Arkzin 1998, p. 61 f.

[7] Peter Hallward, Absolutely Postcolonial. Writing Between the Singular and the Specific, Manchester / New York: Manchester University Press 2001.

[8] Alain Badiou, Ethik. Versuch über das Bewusstsein des Bösen, translated from French by Jürgen Brankel, Vienna: Turia + Kant 2003.

[9] Jean-Luc Nancy, The Inoperative Community. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991.


Este texto es el prefacio de la traducción alemana de Can the Subaltern Speak? Postkolonialität und subalterne Artikulation, transl. by Alexander Joskowicz and Stefan Nowotny, Vienna: Turia + Kant 2007 (Es kommt darauf an, Vol. 6).

Nota del traductor: el género de la pregunta “Can the subaltern speak?” permanece tácito en inglés, lo cual resulta incómodo en español, donde el género masculino se usa de forma genérica. En el caso de Spivak, esto resulta paradójico, porque Spivak explícitamente se refiere principalmente a las mujeres subalternas. En ese sentido, opté con mezclar – un poco lúdicamente – formas neutras con el uso genérico del masculino, simplemente para llamar la atención sobre esta dimensión del concepto.

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From the Isolated Soul Body to the Eccentric Performance of Collaborative Post-Soul Bodies

by Dr. Crank

“Eccentric performances are fueled by contradictory

desires for recognition and freedom” (8–9).

Francesca Royster

When I was twelve or thirteen years old, “Cream” by Prince was continuously played on Mexican television. It was on Channel Four, perhaps the most heteroclite and incoherent channel of national television (some say that Channel Four is the worst channel of Mexican television): in the mornings you could watch old American television shows, almost always portraying white men with cowboy hats and guns or pioneers attempting to survive somewhere that now I imagine as Kansas or Oklahoma or Idaho. Channel Four also broadcasted old films and modern American television series such as Step by Step or Home Improvement. Everyday, at perhaps two or three p.m., Channel Four uninterruptedly screened music videos featuring a wide variety of musicians and styles, including 4 Non Blondes, Mc Hammer, Inner Circle, The Police, Prince, and others. Thus, after school, it was common for me to watch Prince and his sensual troupe performing “Cream” at three p.m.

At first glance, Prince looked like a masculine wonder, a rock star making love to his yellow guitar, constantly surrounded by lots of hot white girls in negligees.

Something in Prince’s “Cream” suggested a path towards miscegenation or performative hybridity, apparently only attainable through the enchantments of sound and dance. That is how I was introduced to Post-Soul music in Mexico City, during times of political turmoil and constant public assassinations. And it was the eccentricity of Prince, his undefined and somewhat irreverent self-portrayal, what allowed me to imagine masculinity —and gender— not only in terms of rigid and traditional definitions, but also as a set of ontological maneuvers directed towards identity redefinition and social change.

Francesca Royster suggests that soul music is “the beat of heart and cock,” a gospel based sonic aesthetic that, Royster suggests, “claims its roots in the shared cultural memory of black history” (9). Indeed, soul music sounds to me as a call for political action and trust in the future, whereas post-soul music sounds more like an invitation to indulgence and individual confinement, either through sensuality or collaborative pleasure. However, Royster accurately suggests that soul music embodies a heterosexual sound and performance, while post-soul music breaks —or at least attempts to break— the boundaries of the dominant heteronormative rhythms and paces constantly shaping the energy of our bodies. Therefore, Royster invites us to listen to post-soul eccentrics as a proclamation for gender and sexual black liberation. It is the concept of the “post-soul eccentric” that I would like to focus on this essay.

Royster proposes that these eccentrics “have created a controversial and deeply historically informed response to the dehumanized black subject and stretched the boundaries of popular forms of music, ultimately shaping a new public dialogue” (8). Royster proposes musicians and performers Eartha Kitt, Stevie Wonder, George Clinton, Michael Jackson, Grace Jones, Meshell Ndegeocello, and Janelle Monáe as the eccentric objects of her study. Nevertheless, I would like to frame soul icon James Brown as a performative catalyzer of the aforementioned musicians and performers, specifically “Papa’s Got a Brand New Bag” and “I feel Good” as performed in The Ed Sullivan Show in 1966.

At first, it seems that Brown is electrified, as his body meanders in its own orbit as the witness of an unprecedented corporeal freedom. James Brown is a dancing virtuoso and his body and the inner electricity fueling his performance are the sole witnesses of his virtuosity. Despite the band and chorus playing in the background, Brown’s body seems to perform in isolation, only propelled by an inner strength that will find its post-soul parallel in performances such as Michael Jackson’s “Beat It” or “Bad.”

Both James Brown and Michael Jackson exhaust themselves in their performances, as movement is accompanied in both by tension and a explosion of energy. Prince, however, does not exhaust himself: his body portrays a rhythm at times lethargic and at times gratuitously sensual. Prince’s performances are complex and collaborative mise-en-scènes where a multitude of bodies carousel under the influence of pleasure. In this regard, Royster suggests that “Moments of collaboration and contact are especially important for exposing and exploring the contingency of identity” (27). While James Brown literally sweats alone on the stage, without having any possible physical contact with other electrified bodies, both Prince and Michael Jackson – and generally the post-soul performers analyzed by Royster — articulate a continuous collaborative embodiment of liberation, whereas collaboration serves as the performative framework to suggest both difference and the social acceptance of this difference, at least within the confines of collaborative sonic formations. We could also look at performative collaboration, as displayed in “Cream” or “Beat It” or “Tightrope” by Janelle Monáe, as means of disidentification.

José Esteban Muñoz establishes in Disidentifications that “disidentification is meant to be descriptive of the survival strategies the minority subject practices in order to negotiate a phobic majoritarian public sphere that continuously elides of punishes the existence of subjects who do not conform to the phantasm of normative citizenship” (4). Muñoz draws from Kimberlé Crenshaw’s notion of intersectionality to propose a process of production, a mode of performance, and a hermeneutic (25). I identify in the collaborative mise-en-scène of both “Cream” and “Beat It” performative and sonic strategies that position the “eccentric” as a community-based subject that through collaboration acquires her social validation, even if it is in a marginal way. The eccentric, whereas we want to recognize her as a “radical and dissonant subject,” thus challenges the normative citizenship suggested by Muñoz.

In this regards, Royster proposes the following:

“The Eccentric performance includes an initial off-centeredness, the use of not-so-ordinary means and often seemingly conflicting methods of theatricality: the crossing of generic boundaries of form or the crossing of gender or racial boundaries through twice-removed actions… For musical performance, this off-centeredness is particularly important in terms of sound: falsettos, growls, shifting accents, gasps, shouts, tones that threaten to veer off-key, improvised lyrics, breaks in the ‘fourth wall’ — or silence” (28).

This enactment of eccentricity is evident in both Prince and Michael Jackson, but it acquires a radical theatricality in Grace Jones sonic and performative projects such as “My Jamaican Guy” & “Slave to the Rhythm,” where new notions of black sexuality and, furthermore, human identity are suggested as means of inter-subjective dialogue.

Soul music sonically materialized the black experience in the United States through the poietic transformation of gospel and rhythm & blues into a lyrical and instrumental re-discovery of the black body. But it is through post-soul sound and performance —as Grace Jones enacts them in her disidentified performances— that both black historical memory and the radicalization of afro-national redemption merges into the global stream of capital and neoliberalism. As a corollary, I would like to invite you all to reflect on the role of the State and its dominant axiological systems in the confection of such post-soul sonic postmodernity. To what extent is the eccentricity of such post-soul sonic artifacts a medium of political resistance or mere political neutralization? How does the post-soul aesthetics have shape your lives as postmodern American or global normative citizens? After all, as intellectuals —even if you happen to be an independent and public intellectual like myself— we are constantly confined within the discursive and institutional limits imposed by higher education institutions, even if it is only through the epistemological approaches publicized by university presses.

Furthermore, is the fact that we can theorize such relatively recent sonic and cultural phenomena the evidence of its political failure? As my answer to this final question, I propose that as we keep pushing to the margins and neutralizing cultural and biological artifacts that pose innovative approaches to current bio-political challenges —thus making invisible those disidentified communities—, our maladies and voices will remain weakened echoes of what remains unnameable within the boundaries of the most normative representations of citizenship.

Works Cited

Francesca Royster. Sounding Like a No-No: Queer Sounds and Eccentric Acts in the Post-Soul Era. University of Michigan Press, 2013.

José Esteban Muñoz. Disidentifications. University of Minnesota Press, 1999.

Kimberle Crenshaw. “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color.” Stanford Law Review, vol. 43, no. 6 (Jul., 1991), pp. 1241- 1299.

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Ferdydurke (1937), Les Enfants Terribles (1929), and the Future of Childhood

high-rise, childhood

childhood appears to have become a fictional status that guarantees constant despair and a wandering journey of self discovery

In a 2018 article, titled “What Kids Need to Learn to Succeed in 2050,”[1] Yuval Noah Harari suggests that “the art of reinvention will be the most critical skill of this century,” a claim that echoes some of the premises of decolonial theory – which became an epistemological doctrine in the voices of scholars like Walter Mignolo and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak during the recent fin de siècle period -. Decolonial theory, as it was formulated in the American continent, called for a relearning program that, as Harari suggests, aimed at reinventing our intellectual behavior in order to apprehend the world around us through a new set of epistemological lenses. This, in turn, would transform the experience of adulthood into a new form of intellectual infancy, which didn’t imply a devolving state per se, but it did push adults into new patterns of intellectual behavior as the means to transform both social and economic dynamics for the sake of a more egalitarian global order. The novel Ferdydurke (1937) by Polish Witold Gombrowicz, without being a decolonial literary text, portrays the experience of a writer who is forced to attend Elementary School again. Ferdydurke has been often described as a cult novel or an ode to stupidity and immaturity, for the thirty-year-old main character wanders through a limbo that does not allow him to put himself together in a coherent manner, as he confesses in the beginning of the novel:

“I even imagined that my body was not entirely homogeneous, and that parts of it were not yet mature, that my head was laughing at and mocking my thigh, that my thigh was making merry at my head, that my finger was ridiculing my heart and my heart my brain, while my eye made sport of my nose and my nose of my eye, all to the accompaniment of loud bursts of crazy laughter- my limbs and the various parts of my body violently ridiculing each other in a general atmosphere of caustic and wounding raillery […] according to my papers and my appearance, I was grown up. But I was not mature.”

As the novel progresses, we follow Ferdydurke – whose name is also a form of mocking him – through a series of absurd situations that ultimately drive him into a pathetic derangement that only emphasizes his immaturity and lack of preparedness for adulthood. One of the failures of Ferdydurke is his lack of imagination to reinvent himself, as he becomes a mere witness of his life and he endeavors his time to escape from the absurd challenges that reality poses in front of him. Unlike Kafka’s Gregor Samsa – who has to die in order to free his family of the ominous weight of his presence -, Ferdydurke seems doomed to an ever-lasting childish existence anchored to the absurd violence shaping the sociopolitical landscape of his times. In a form, reducing the population to a subordinated existence during the formative years is one of the mechanisms to both shape individuality and preserve the ruling order, even if it is an asphyxiating regime that establishes immaturity as the ideological status quo.   

            Less than one decade before the publication of Ferdydurke, Jean Cocteau published Les Enfants Terribles, a novel that paved the ground, in terms of historical literary reception, for works that explored the meaning of childhood within an environment determined by the confinement and alienation brought by WWII. Cocteau’s novel, written in a few weeks while he was recovering in a hospital, portrays the coming to age experience of the siblings Paul and Elisabeth, who grew up without a father and with a mother constantly sick and thus anchored to the vanishing existence of living in a bed.

            The novel’s foundational event introduces Dargelos, a character that will bring disgrace to Paul since childhood. While Paul and Dargelos are playing during winter time with other kids, Dargelos hits Paul with a rock covered in snow, producing in the latter an illness that will accompany him up to his death. While Ferdydurke illustrates the vicissitudes of an adult reduced to a sort of mandatory childhood, Les Enfants Terribles portrays quite the opposite, as Elisabeth is forced by the illnesses of his mother and Paul to become an adult since her childhood. Due to this, both Elisabeth and Paul experience an iconoclastic teenagehood that takes place within the walls of their bedroom. Growing up in such an environment, which Elisabeth fills with constant avant-garde elements, provides Paul a melancholic and pessimistic view of reality that ultimately drives him into a drug addiction that will provoke his death. This way, both Ferdydurke and Paul become paradigmatic examples of men that – recalling Harari’s article – fail at reinventing themselves due to their immaturity and atavist relationship with their historical time.

            Even though these works were produced almost a century ago, under the light of both Ferdydurke and Les enfants Terribles – as the world progressively becomes the permanent host of Coronavirus – childhood appears to have become a fictional status that guarantees constant despair and a wandering journey of self discovery that will promise constant failure to those children that come from disadvantaged backgrounds. Almost silently, the Coronavirus pandemic has dismantled the fundaments of familiarity and social solidarity for the sake of an invisible race to preserve a foggy and disjointed sense of individuality. Just a fast glance to the world news reveal that global society is under constant attack. Violence against children and women within the household has reached unprecedented peaks, while public spaces are a permanent battleground shaped by police and military brutality and the ideological confusion sprung by all sorts of protests on both extremes of the political spectrum.

            In addition, the irregular and parenthetical go-back-to-school process has left millions of children away from educational settings and in many cases it has also produced a very early retirement from formal education. The question, thinking about Harari’s 2050 generation of successful individuals able to reinvent themselves, is if the world itself will be at all the home for humanity as we keep envisioning it in 2020. If historical memory prevails, the 2050 generation will probably blame the Coronavirus pandemic and its political artifices for their failure, just as Ferdydurke and Paul point towards institutional fractures – thinking about both family and the public sphere – as the obstacles that prevented the full development of their human capacities. It might be due to constant illness or the redundancy of being confined to a mental childhood what will unleash the last breath of modern society just to open up the path for a kind of social order that in the long run seems a mere fable of science fiction, a place where cars fly, people float giving up to the endeavor of walking, and everyone works from home and a simple blink of the eyes brings food to the door, all while human politics has collapsed to the automated and hyper-intelligent global design of a Super Artificial Intelligence.

            In the meantime and thinking about childhood, the present seems an iterative replay of the last scene of the film High-Rise (2015), which frames an isolated and critical child sitting on the top of an all-in-one building smoking from a water pipe while all the adults from the building have surrendered to a decadent lifestyle that has ultimately brought the total collapse of the infrastructure and living conditions of a building that was designed with the sole intention of bringing the maximum comfort to its residents. As an early Millennial that was constantly fed by the cultural remnants of the X-Generation, if I had the opportunity to choose my role in such a building, I would be inevitably the child smoking a water pipe, rendering oblivion to the struggles of a decadent adulthood, and giving up my senses to the sky that appears in front of my sight. Only from that perspective, the 2050 generation appears to me as a possibility, for the remnants of modern life, with all the excesses, brutality, and incoherent forms of government have proved to be the best way to exhaust both individuality and social allegiances.       


Works Cited

Ferdydurke, Witold Gombrowicz, Yale University Press, 2000.

High-Rise, directed by Ben Wheatley, 2015.

Les Enfants Terribles, Jean Cocteau, Vintage Classics, 2011.

“What Kids Need to Learn to Succeed in 2050,” Yuval Noah Harari, Medium, Sep. 13, 2018, web.


[1] https://forge.medium.com/yuval-noah-harari-21-lessons-21st-century-what-kids-need-to-learn-now-to-succeed-in-2050-1b72a3fb4bcf

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Más que la cara

“Perhaps we can imagine the movement for women’s liberation as a colorful, varied patchwork of fabric: each piece of cloth distinct and textured, interconnected at specific points and diverging at others. The absence of a single face is an invitation to all women to weave their narratives into the fabric of genuine women’s liberation. It is this patchwork of cloth that we must carry through the threshold the current pandemic offers: a gateway to a possible world beyond capitalism and its fascist empires, beyond patriarchy and its ruling lords. When we cover our faces, in the tradition of MAKIBAKA and in solidarity with billions protecting each other from disease and resisting injustice, we do not retreat from the world. We equip ourselves with the tools to stitch it anew.”

“Bandanas” by Angeli Lacson

Mask play an important role during social movilizations. Why? To hide the identity? To create a collective identity? This zine is an exploration of these questions within feminisms.

In celebration of their fifth anniversary, Gantala Press (see our previous interview) would like to share with you their new coloring e-zine, Más que la cara: Women, Masks, and Protest. Featured here are brave women all over the world who draw from the strength and power of the collective in fighting for justice for their communities. This coloring zine is a collection of texts and images about women who utilize the mask in protest. Featured are the Zapatistas of Mexico, the MAKIBAKA women of the Philippines, the Guerrilla Girls of the USA, Pussy Riot of Russia, the feminists of Chile, and the face mask-wearing women in the pandemic. Send us a message if you want to access the PDF and the image files for coloring!

Download it HERE

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Filipina Feminism and Spaces of Representation: Interview with Gantala Press

Gantala Press is an independent, Filipina feminist press founded in 2015. It publishes essays, zines (see our previous entry), poetry, cookbooks and comix. Their work is beautiful, and also a beautiful example of how collective knowledge produced outside the big centers of power can help to build rhizomatic and transformative alliances. As they describe themselves here:

“We challenge literary standards by engaging in feminist work. Gantala Press began as a feminist, literary press that sought to respond to the lack of spaces for and about women. Eventually, feminist work lead us to the streets, to volunteer work and collaborations with mass organizations for peasant women. Feminist work is first and foremost political. We became political activists who recognize the role of women in the economy and in agricultural production, as mothers, farmers, laborers, and mass leaders.”

We had the pleasure to talk with Faye Cura, founding member of Gantala, who took her time to carefully answer all my annoying questions. I hope you enjoy the interview and if you want to support Gantala, there any plenty of ways to do it: https://gantalapress.org/support/ and https://gogetfunding.com/gantala-press-feminist-bookstore/

Nepantla: First of all, tell me a little bit about how Gantala Press started in 2015. On your blog you tell about how you were searching for a publisher for your poems but you found none. Then you had the idea of making your own women’s press and you started by making a call for contributions in facebook. Was it hard to get it printed? Where did you distribute it? Were you already interested in zines? Or zines came after?


Faye Cura: It was challenging to raise funds for printing the book and paying our contributors a small honorarium. But raise funds we did, by holding art and writing workshops and using some of our personal money as capital. From the very beginning, we’ve decided to distribute our books through small channels such as independent bookstores, and directly in small press fairs. We could not afford the consignment fees in the big bookstores or the booth fees in the large book fairs, not to mention that we were driven/are continue to be driven by ideological/political reservations against mainstream publishing.
In the beginning, we were interested in zines as readers, but not as creators. Our third publication, a cookbook of Meranao food, was a zine before it was printed offset as a small book, mainly because we lacked the time to have it printed offset. Now, we make all sorts — books which we register at the National Library, chapbooks in collaboration with other organizations, zines. We’ve even started to venture into making cloth books or embroidered zines.


N: You are working with fanzines and books. Books have sometimes a special status. They are more “sacred” than fanzines (this is for example what happens in philosophy). How do you move between these two spaces (we could call it “sacred”-“profane”)? It is important to get to be part of the establishment or the mainstream market? How do you deal with that paradox (to reach a big public you have to sell yourself to the mainstream industry and so on)?

FC: We don’t really distinguish between books and zines, except in practical terms such as: it takes longer & more money to produce a book while zines can be produced within a day. I think that moving outside the mainstream is precisely what gives us this creative freedom. No, it is not important to be part of the establishment. In fact, we are always careful to stay out of the mainstream and its trappings — mentorship/patronage, expertise/”mastery”/gatekeeping, capitalism/capitalist cooptation, things that exclude many people & communities from important discussions & historicizations. Besides, we literally could not afford to supply the mainstream market with our books. We can only afford to print a few hundred copies at a time.


N: Is there some specificity of Filipina feminism/s? I mean, what are for you the special features of those feminisms?


FC: Many of today’s generation of Filipina feminists are still able to identify with the different “schools” of (western) feminism, because that’s what’s prominent in social media & pop culture (especially liberal feminism). Meanwhile, the older ones seem tired. As for the collective, we are always trying to define & redefine what feminism is for us, always trying to find its place within the people’s movement and the women’s movement in our country.
But in a larger sense — if we’ll insist on using the qualifier “Filipina” — Filipina feminism, which includes the feminisms of Filipinas abroad, struggles against bureaucrat capitalism, feudalism, imperialism — which remain our biggest enemies as a people — and colonialism, which was what entrenched these enemies in our culture & history. Our long history under Spanish and then US rule has embedded our people firmly within the class struggle, which as we know, like most countries in the world, places a few forces in power at the expense of the majority. In the Philippine women’s movement, it seems that patriarchy has still not been identified as an enemy like the others. Of course, this is because people falsely equate patriarchy with men, rather than see it as a structure.

N: On the blog, you write:
“After all, to publish is, first and foremost, to make things public. With feminist publishing, as with exhibition making, we try to widen what we call spaces of representation, to create new subjectivities or empower them. We do this through direct participation rather than through mediation, which are both processes or approaches in creating art. Mediation will bring about statements like, “I will speak for the oppressed” or, “I am the voice of my generation.” We at Gantala Press try to directly engage with issues and not simply mediate.”

This is very interesting. I like that Gantala is also defined as “Small Press Activism”. In this sense, maybe “mediation” can’t be avoided, but at least it is a co-mediation. Because you also are transformed in this process. Can you tell us some of your favourite reactions of readers of writers after reading some of the publications?

FC: For us, the best feedback is receiving a new set of poems from a peasant woman whose works we had anthologized before. For her to entrust us with her writings, to let us publish them, is a great gift. The next best thing is learning that our books & zines are being taught in literature classes in universities. For the longest time, the curriculum &, by extension, the “literary canon” consists of writings by educated or professional writers, even if the texts are about the people’s struggles. Not to mention that most of these writers are men. So to really hear from the women workers or farmers themselves, to read their words, to have to ask friends from the other islands to translate their works in order to understand the texts, is quite disruptive of the formal educational system & thus, is full of possibilities.

We also always receive small gifts from fellow creators — a zine they made or a class paper they wrote about Gantala Press, or their own artworks or publications. Likewise, we were pleasantly surprised by the support we’ve received for the feminist library/bookshop that we plan to open soon. We continue to receive book & cash donations even now that everything is suspended!

N: There are many languages in the Philippines and Gantala does some multilingual editions. Tell me a litte bit about the relation between your activism and language.

FC: We have always been conscious of how language is power, how people or institutions control language & therefore control information & therefore, hold the power. In the Philippines, Filipino, which is Tagalog-based, became the “national language” because the government people who determined these things before were Tagalogs. But many Filipinos speak the other major languages too, such as Ilocano and Visayan. & there are many hi/stories & worldviews submerged in these languages, even in the languages of the minorities or the dying & extinct languages.
The recipes in the Meranao cookbook are written in Meranao because that was how the author learned the recipes. But it was also a way of documenting the language & culture that were truly on the verge of disappearing after the 2017 Siege that destroyed the city. There was also a glossary of Meranao terms & names, for documentation as well. For our next zines, we let the union workers from Mindanao and the peasant women in Cavite write their narratives in the language they were comfortable in. Some of the farmers also literally told their stories (they could not write), which we transcribed. Those were their worlds, their worldviews, which we had no right or business tampering with.
We collectively write our statements on social issues in English and Filipino. As language is shared, so is authorship & action.

N: I also wanted to ask about your next projects.

FC: We were really planning to open a feminist library/bookshop but the pandemic happened. We still hope to push through with this soon, & so are really grateful for the donations. We have a lot of things planned for the space: exhibitions by women artists, workshops, discussions.

Publications wise, we are helping a progressive female religious congregation document its history in the Philippines; putting together a casebook of gender-based violence narratives with the Commission on Human Rights; launching a poetry collection. We’re also working on several poetry & prose zines as well as preparing to join or organize a couple of art exhibitions.


N: Publishing something in the margins (I would say that in this regard, the case of Philippines and Argentina are probably similar) is a hard task. Do you have any advice for someone who would like to start a little Press somewhere in the world?


FC: It should be something that you love, so that you will never tire of doing it & never fear to make changes if changes need to be made. Like all things that are alive, publishing is a work in progress.

N: And an unavoidable question during these times: how are you dealing with the quarantine? What are you reading? The landscape that you describe in your blog (Durterte’s militarization and so on) is scary. Please stay safe!



FC: For now, we are strengthening ourselves under quarantine, cooking & eating healthy & taking the time to rest & doing our personal projects or spending time with our families. Our group shares fermentation & no-bake cake recipes, struggles with motherhood & questions on activism, & COVID-related links in our chat box on Facebook. We are also helping the Amihan National Federation of Peasant Women raise funds to provide relief to peasant families in the countryside. For a minimum donation of Php 500, you get a link to download the PDFs of five of our zines: one on the Marawi Siege, one on banana plantation workers, one on revolutionary women & their astrological signs, one on the so-called Drug War, & one on romance.

I am reading China Mieville’s October & Heidi I. Hartmann‘s classic essay, “The Unhappy Marriage Between Marxism & Feminism.”

Please stay safe, too! Thank you again for this interview, I enjoyed it a lot 🙂

N: Thank you a lot!

(All images are taken from https://gantalapress.org)

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Angel Cabrales/The uncolonized: a vision in the parallel

Mathematics, astronomy, irrigation, sewer systems, rubber…there were many technological advances made by the indigenous people of the Americas that most people are not aware of. The Uncolonized is an interactive installation inviting the viewer to walk through a glimpse of a parallel universe. A universe where the western hemisphere was not colonized and the indigenous people were allowed to advance without outside interference. Creating a new world of solar powered Aztechnonauts, systematic Mayathmaticians, computing Incanputer Scientists, problem solving Zapoteknical Engineers and experimenting Olmechemists. The installation presents an alternative realm which invites the viewer to create a dialogue in the history of the Americas and its indigenous people. Instill a curiosity into the untaught histories of our heritage while using a science fiction twist to nurture the pride in one’s ethnic heritage, creating thought, generate conversation and discussion to forge a strong sense of pride in who we are as a people.
The work, created through multimedia sculptures, laser cut resin paintings, video, music as artifacts are laid out in an archeological museum motif including dioramas of key points in this new history. A mural of divergent timeline includes the histories of the universe, the new paths taken and points of divergence.


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We began building mom's  home the day the bombings  began. First it was the smoke.  Later it arrived the fire...
Read More

Una interacción entre -mostrar y no mostrar

en la fotografía en color Highly carcinogenic blue asbestos waste on the Owendale Asbestos Mine tailings dump, near Postmasburg, Northern...
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Rineke Dijkstra. The encounter between the photographer, the sitters and the viewer in the Beach Portrait Series.

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The shapes are that of two people. They do each have a soul, But it’s hard for them to remember...
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I tried to accept everything, so that I could come to Heaven. But when I got there, Heaven was closed...
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Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women's Lives Cynthia Enloe University of California Press, 2000, 437 pages.  ISBN: 9780520220713 Traducción...
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